George Arthur governed Van Diemen’s Land from 1824 to 1836 with a thoroughness that no previous colonial administrator had attempted. He built a system of surveillance and classification that tracked individual convicts through every stage of their sentence. He issued regulations covering almost every aspect of convict life. He maintained meticulous records. By the standards of his era, he was a reformer — serious, systematic, and genuinely invested in the question of what transportation was supposed to achieve.

Governor George Arthur
Image – TAHO NS1013-1-1800

          And yet there is a question he never asked. When convicts continued to offend — when men and women who had been punished continued with insubordination, absconding, or theft — Arthur did not ask what was driving the behaviour. He already knew the answer. Convicts offended because they were morally degraded. They would stop offending when their moral condition improved. The instrument of improvement was discipline, religious instruction, and the deterrent weight of punishment. The system’s job was to deliver these things consistently and promptly. If it was not working, the problem was insufficient rigour, not flawed assumptions.

          This was not stupidity. It was theology.

The Evangelical framework

          Arthur was a committed Evangelical Christian[1], formed in the tradition that had produced Wilberforce[2], the Clapham Sect[3], and the great moral reform movements of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. That tradition had a fully elaborated account of human behaviour and its reform. Sin was the cause of moral failure. Repentance, discipline, and submission to the law of their Christian god were the cure. The human will, however much corrupted, was capable of reformation if placed in the right conditions and subjected to the right pressures.

          This framework was not merely personal piety. By the 1820s it had become the dominant intellectual currency of British colonial administration. The same assumptions that drove prison reform at home: the penitentiary as an instrument of moral transformation, solitary confinement as a mechanism for forcing the offender to confront their conscience, shaped thinking about what transportation ought to accomplish. Arthur had absorbed all of this. He corresponded with reformers in Britain, followed debates about prison discipline, and saw Van Diemen’s Land as, among other things, a laboratory for the reformation of character.

          The critical point is that the Evangelical framework was not designed to ask structural questions. It located the cause of crime in the individual soul, not in social or material conditions. This was not an oversight – it was a deliberate theological position. To attribute crime to poverty, homelessness, mental health, exploitation, or the conditions of the assignment system would have been to diminish individual moral responsibility, which the framework was not prepared to do.

What the structural questions would have looked like

          The data was there, had anyone been looking for it through a different lens. Arthur’s own system generated it.

          Re-offending rates remained stubbornly high even among convicts who had completed punishment and received tickets of leave. Convicts assigned to brutal or negligent masters appeared in the magistrates’ records far more often than those assigned to humane ones. Men and women who absconded were frequently fleeing specific conditions: withheld rations, violence, sexual coercion, rather than exhibiting generalised lawlessness. Theft, in many cases, was theft of food.

Conduct record of Ann Creamer, per Eliza 1829
Image: TAHO CON40-1-1

          A differently framed inquiry might have asked: what does it mean to require “good behaviour” from people who have no legitimate recourse when their masters behave badly? What does it mean to offer reformation to people whose material circumstances make offending rational? Why do emancipated convicts with no access to land, money, or stable employment continue to appear before the courts?

          These are not difficult questions to generate from the evidence. They simply required an observer willing to look at the convict as a person responding to circumstances, rather than a soul in need of correction. Arthur was not that observer. His system was not designed to produce one.

The impossible contract

          The assignment system placed convicts in a position that was, structurally, unresolvable. They were required to behave well; their behaviour was judged by masters who had every incentive to report misconduct and none to report good conduct; and the avenues available to convicts who were mistreated were, in practice, almost entirely closed. A convict who complained of a master’s cruelty could find the complaint dismissed and themselves charged with insubordination for making it. Absconding, insubordination, and petty theft were not simply moral failures: they were, in many cases, the only available responses to intolerable conditions.

          Arthur’s regulations could not see this, because seeing it would have required acknowledging that the assignment system was itself criminogenic. That acknowledgement was not available within the Evangelical framework, which required the convict’s moral condition – not the system’s design – to bear the weight of explanation.

A reformer who couldn’t reform the right thing

          The deeper incongruity is that Arthur’s reputation, then and now, rests substantially on his commitment to reform. He was more rigorous, more systematic, and more genuinely engaged with questions of penal purpose than almost any administrator who preceded him. His records are among the richest sources we have for understanding convict lives in this period precisely because he made it his business to know what was happening to those lives.

          But the Evangelical framework that motivated his reformism also circumscribed it. It gave him an answer before he had properly formed the question. Convicts offended because of moral degradation; moral degradation was addressed through discipline and instruction; the system’s task was to administer these consistently. The circularity was invisible from inside the framework. It would take the report of the Molesworth Committee in 1838 — arriving after Arthur’s departure — to begin articulating, haltingly, that the system itself might be the problem.

          By then, over three decades of transportation to Van Diemen’s Land had proceeded on the assumption that the question had already been answered.

1838 Molesworth report – cover
Image: Great Britain Parliament House of Commons

[1] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Evangelicalism

[2] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William_Wilberforce

[3] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Clapham_Sect

Categories: PeopleSociety